Women of Syria Call For Unity and Peace

Tara Kangarlou interviews five women from Syria about the fall of the half-century long Assad regime, what it means for their lives and families, and their hopes for and apprehensions about the future of the country.

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For over a decade, the Syrian civil war was regarded as the “world’s worst humanitarian crisis,” leaving millions of Syrians in a relentless struggle for survival. But, on December 8, 2024, a sudden and rapid takeover by Islamic militant group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which remains designated a foreign terror organization by the US, ousted Syria’s President Bashar al-Assad, once dubbed as the “butcher of Middle East,” who left his iron-fisted rule for Russia. Now, what welds this war-torn country is the Syrian people’s loud cry for unity and desperate need for hope, especially among hundreds of thousands of Syrian women, who for years withstood perpetual violence, loss, and displacement inside the country and beyond. 

The last decade 

Today, of the country’s pre-war population of 22 million, over 16.7 million people require severe humanitarian assistance. From the brutal onslaughts orchestrated by Assad’s regime backed by the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia to the barbaric rule of ISIS and the reign of chaos imposed by a host of Islamic and foreign militias, Syria’s protracted conflict has killed an estimated 600,000 people. Over the span of 14 years, civilians bore the brunt of the violence, including tens of thousands of children and women killed in airstrikes, shelling, and chemical attacks. The ferocity of the Syrian war led to more than 100,000 detentions and forced disappearances, 7 million Syrians internally displaced, and 6 million who took refuge in neighboring countries of Turkey, Jordan, and Lebanon. All the while thousands braved the perils of crossing to Europe—some by way of the Mediterranean convinced that the untamed sea is safer than their war-ridden homeland. 

Over the years, ordinary Syrians found themselves ensnared in a crucible of violence and despair. As their shattered cities, homes, and lives attest to the tragedy of this prolonged nightmare, millions of Syrian people witnessed another grim reality—the haunting feeling of being forgotten by a world that once pledged solidarity.  

Now, amidst the ruins of Syria and despondence of life as refugees, Syrians’ cries for peace and democracy echo alike—with the hope that this time they are heard. 

Lebanon, home to the largest number of refugees per capita in the world, including 1.5 million Syrian refugees (including those who are unregistered this figure is likely closer to 2 million) in addition to the nearly 500,000 Palestinian refugees, faces an acute humanitarian crisis, exacerbated by the country’s economic collapse, political instability, and recent Israel-Hezbollah war that displaced more than a million people. Both the Syrian and Palestinian refugees in Lebanon face systemic restrictions on employment, education, movement, and property ownership, trapping many in cyclical dependency and vulnerability. In addition, Lebanon’s crumbled state of affairs have for long harbored ground for systematic discrimination against the refugee population.  

“With the recent Israeli attacks in Lebanon, the same trauma I experienced in Syria came back,” explained Lana, adding how hard she tried to work on her own trauma while being strong for her children and elderly parents. 

Lana recalls leaving her studies at Damascus University in 2013 after threats of detention by the Assad regime’s Internal Security Forces. She, as well as other classmates and friends, were targeted for sharing anti-regime posts on Facebook—a charge so simple, yet detrimental for Syrians under Assad’s ferocious police state.  

“So many of my friends and classmates were arrested—with some still missing. I have friends in Sednaya prison, including one who disappeared right after our last meeting.” Lana’s voice trembled as she talked about her friend, a journalism student who just two days after his initial release from detention was arrested again by the security forces and taken to what many are calling “Assad’s slaughterhouse.” “He told me he’s going to his mother’s house, but on his way home, they took him. I was the last person to see him since.” 

Charged with an exuberant joy since Assad’s fall last Sunday, Lana is counting the days until she can return home. “I want to leave tomorrow if I can, but I know we need some planning.” She explained as she underscored the enormous travails her family undertook to pay insiders in Syria in an effort to remove her name from the regime’s “security list.”   

“I wasn’t successful. I’m still on that list,” said Lana. However, in the past few years, her now 6-year-old son Mohammad-Ali has visited the ruins of his mother’s home during his few visits to Zabadani with his father. 

“I always wanted him to see my hometown, where I came from. Then the morning of Assad’s fall, when Mohammad-Ali found out that I can now go back, he turned to me and said, Mama let’s go home—let’s go.”  

High on the promise of a new dawn for Syria, Lana shared her trust for HTS. “Assad did brutal things to his fellow Syrians; anyone other than Assad is better. I hope all Syrians would live in peace, and I think the free army will protect people. From my heart, I hope this. I believe this.” 

Baraa is one of the hundreds of thousands of Palestinians who was born and raised in one of the most crowded refugee camps in the world, Yarmouk, a densely built, so-called safe space for Palestinians that in 2015 was regarded as “the worst place on earth.”  Yarmouk evolved into a besieged battleground between opposition groups, extremist militants such as Al-Nusra and later ISIS, and Assad’s forces that subjugated the camp to extreme deprivation and unimaginable violence. To this day, Baraa explains how she can’t escape the horrors of life in Yarmouk, especially from 2014 until she left for Turkey in 2016. 

Since the eruption of conflict in Syria, Turkey has hosted nearly 3.2 million Syrian refugees of whom nearly 70% live below the poverty line with limited access to formal employment. According to United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), access to education remains a concern, with nearly 40% of school-aged refugee children out of school due to “language barriers, financial constraints, and early marriage.”  

Baraa, while grateful for the security and stability of life outside of a war zone, cannot escape the perpetual pain of discrimination and abandonment. “People—whether here in Turkey or anywhere else—have always had a limited view of Syrian or Palestinian refugees and that hurts. That is wrong.” 

With only their Palestinian ID cards, the future remains ambiguous for Baraa and her young family. Yet one thing is certain: she will not give up “hope.” 

“I have so much hope for Syria. For going back and rebuilding it with my children. I want unity for all Syrians. That’s the only thing that’s going to rebuild this country. But I’m also telling my kids that we have a promise from God—that one day, Palestine too will be free—one day we’ll go back home.” 

Farah is now a housewife but has a degree in financial and banking sciences. She lives with her two daughters and unemployed husband in Adra, which was one of the six areas hit by Assad’s deadly and illegal chemical arsenal in 2013.  

“I feel free—absolutely free,” said Farah, while emphasizing on the severe “oppression of life” in the previous regime. “We were not able to even speak or express our opinion due to fear of the lion. Even if you mentioned his name you were threatened to be imprisoned or disappeared.”  

Farah added how she trusts HTS and their promise of change for Syria. “Since they came, they didn’t interfere in our lives. They didn’t take our freedom. They’re making us feel that we are one people and one nation, here to rebuild this country.” 

Underneath her jubilant smile, Farah suffers from partial blindness. A severe inflammation damaged her cornea that required a replacement—an impossible operation at a time when most Syrians lived under severe humanitarian, financial, and medical crises. 

“I may not see with my eye, but I see with my heart,” said Farah, who while hopeful about the future of her country, has taken to heart the many years that they seemed “forgotten by the world.” 

“Now is our time. We will rebuild, and we need the world next to us—this time it has to be real support.”  

Praising HTS, Judy says how the group deserves the Syrian people’s “appreciation, respect, and the opportunity to showcase what they can deliver next.” 

“I feel the joy of victory over surviving a lifetime of oppression under the shadow of Assad’s repression, hunger, humiliation and slander,” said added.  

As seen in many other parts of the world, including Iran, Western and international sanctions against Assad’s regime have only had adverse impact on the lives of ordinary civilians while creating a lucrative black market for regime insiders and criminals. “The world worked to impoverish the Syrians, and the policy of boycotting the country had the opposite effect. The president and his gang were the biggest beneficiaries of it,” she added.  

A secular, educated, and well-traveled woman, Manal is suspect of the new militants in charge whilst elated by Assad’s departure. 

“They ruled the city of Idlib with a religiously strict grip, and I am not convinced that they will act differently now. I am very scared, and I can't comprehend this transformation, and I cannot trust the Islamists.” 

More so, with her daughter in Lebanon, she is worried not only for Syria, but also the region at-large and Syria’s defenseless position against Israel. “Israel destroyed everything that could serve as a foundation for rebuilding a national army. We are now a country without national defense…in the grip of Israel.” 

The views represented in this piece are those of the author and do not express the official position of the Wilson Center.  

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Middle East Program

The Wilson Center’s Middle East Program serves as a crucial resource for the policymaking community and beyond, providing analyses and research that helps inform US foreign policymaking, stimulates public debate, and expands knowledge about issues in the wider Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region.   Read more

Middle East Program

Middle East Women's Initiative

The Middle East Women's Initiative (MEWI) promotes the empowerment of women in the region through an open and inclusive dialogue with women leaders from the Middle East and continuous research.   Read more

Middle East Women's Initiative